It is an indisputable fact that after adjusting to the period defined as 'the New Said', Bediuzzaman Said Nursi confined himself entirely to publishing and communicating the 'truths of belief'. Thus, the aim of this paper consists of indicating, if only by paragraphs, the characteristics of the political and social environment which might serve this goal of his.

Doubtless, on combing the Risale-i Nur, which Bediuzzaman wrote, researchers will find clues to his views in fields outside theological matters. Besides the political activities of 'the Old Said', whom we see actively involved in politics in the Absolutist and Second Constitutional Periods of Ottoman Turkey, he also fought against the mixed Russian-Armenian invading forces in eastern Anatolia as a militia commander at the head of the 'felt-caps'. Bediuzzaman served actively on all platforms which he believed were necessary for the safety of the Islamic world and to serve the cause of Islamic Unity. For his aim was to serve man and humanity.

According to Islam, man is the highest of creatures. And above all, this honour has gained the greatest worth for Muslims by being the community of God's Beloved (PBUH), on account of whom the universe was created. Thus in worldly life, Muslims have both various rights and various respons-ibilities. It is from the sum of these that Muslims are worthy of 'civilization'. If the economic weakness of the Islamic world at that time and from the political point of view its being dominated by colonialists are borne in mind, it becomes clear why Bediuzzaman was unable to accept the situation in which Muslims found themselves. Let us leave the word to him in this matter:

"Since true civilization serves mankind's progress and development, and the emergence of its true nature from the potential to the actual, to want civilization from this point of view it to want humanity.

"And the reason for my obsession and love for the meaning of constitutionalism is this: the first door to the future progress of Asia and the Islamic world is the constitutionalism which is in accordance with the Shari'a and the freedom which is within the bounds of the Shari'a. The key to the good fortune, felicity, and sovereignty of Islam is the consultation which is part of constitutionalism." ¹

Here it is stressed through extremely clear key concepts which are one within the other that civilization was essential if our people were to be served, that unfortunately this civilization had been lost, that the Islamic world had to pass to constitutional government if it was to be revived, and that the field that this freedom would form had to be in conformity with Islamic beliefs.

As a thinker who had grasped the spirit of the age, Bediuzzaman went on to state openly that constitutionalism and freedom could find existence within principles acceptable by the nation. But a process that would give shape to national life should not be allowed to turn into any "negative" or "nationalist" current, which he described as "a European disease". For such a current would cause "division" in the Islamic world.

Bediuzzaman stressed the idea of positive nationalism, "which arises from the internal need of the life of society," for as a stage which will ultimately arrive at unity, this is in a form that Islam accepts. It is like this: according to him, "the positive idea of nationalism must serve Islam and be its citadel, it must not take its place." ²

Bediuzzaman indicated that in the political culture of republicanism, which he studied as more highly developed framework of constitutionalism, the government had to be the servant of Islam. According to him, the East, that is Muslim societies, had been formed on morality, spiritual matters, and culture, and that they had secured social development by acting from these dynamics. Therefore, Islam, the foundation-stone of culture, had to be preserved, both as a framework defining the bounds of freedom, and as norms securing "the nation's revival."

In Emirdag Lahikasi, in a letter he wrote to the President of the time, Celâl Bayar, he stated these ideas as the basis of his cause:

"Since our fundamental way is to make religion not the tool of politics, indeed, not of anything, even the whole world and the rule of it, but only the means to God's pleasure..... Yes, when, in the face of those who in bigoted fashion make politics the tool of irreligion to the fearful harm of the country and nation, we are absolutely obliged to consider politics, our duty is not to make religion the tool of politics, but to make politics the tool and friend of religion, so that it may be the means of gaining for those in this country the brotherhood of three hundred and fifty million brothers." ³

In fact, Bediuzzaman stated these matters openly to the National Assembly of the time. He pointed out what positive reactions towards the Turks the National Struggle had aroused in the Islamic world, - since the factor that had won the Struggle had been the spirit of the National Forces, which had taken Islam as their standard - they had therefore sent them their assistance. He now recommended that this approach that was tried and tested be continued in liberating the country and founding the Republic. What caused him anxiety while doing this were currents like Materialism and Positivism which were gradually spreading to Turkey at that time.

By saying: "I know the Republican Government to be an Islamic government which has accepted a civil code in accordance with the requirements of the times and which will not permit irreligious currents which cause harm to the country and nation," he was repeating his belief that humanity, civilization, and the republic would not advance "without entering on the consultation which is in accordance with the Shari'a."

There was little difference between the proclamation of the Constitution in the last years of the Ottoman State and the proclamation of freedom. It was a question of nuance: freedom being theoretical and constitutionalism being practical and based on institutions. To put it another way, regimes in which freedom is institutionalised are regimes bearing constitutional characteristics.

While speaking of constitutionalism, Bediuzzaman always adds the attribute, "in accordance with the Shari'a". What he means by this is con-stitutionalism being in conformity with the Shari'a, that is, with the principles of Islam. The factors to be mentioned here are the characteristics of constitutionalism which the Shari'a encapsulates. While defining constitutionalism, Bediuzzaman says this:

"The question of the constitutionalism and the constitution which you have heard about consists of true justice and consultation in accordance with the Shari'a. Consider it favourably and try to preserve it." ⁴

It is a fact shown by history that it is only parliamentary government that can prevent arbitrary government and personal disposal of power. A parliament composed of representatives of the nation takes the most suitable decisions, while taking into consideration what is in the nation's interests. The goal of securing freedom and justice for the nation lies at the base of concentrating authority in the parliament.

Bediuzzaman always mentioned constitutionalism as a regime based on a constitution. In using the term "constitutionalism and the constitution," ⁵ he is using the two concepts synonymously. In saying: "Long live the constitutions of the Holy Qur'an," ⁶ he is stating that our social institutions and foundations were based on Islam.

When all individuals of a society, and foremost those in government and those governed, accept as their own the totality of the rules which are specified and generally accepted, and which bind them and order their basic rights and liberties, numerous abuses are prevented and the continuance of the system of the constitution, which consists of the totality of the laws, is secured within stability.

Bediuzzaman pointed out that in this respect constitutionalism is within the confines of Islam, and through this understanding, was defining as his political view a free and just social structure based on the supremacy of the law. Showing the Era of the Prophet (PBUH) and the period of the Four Rightly-Guided Caliphs as an example, the model he defined through the factors of consultation and supremacy of the law is in fact nothing other than an ideal republic.

Bediuzzaman, who set out his views regarding republicanism in accordance with the main principles mentioned above before the Turkish Republic was founded, was from time to time sent to court after 1923, accused of opposing the republican regime. On being asked in Eskishehir Criminal Court in 1935 what he thought about republicanism, he replied: "My biography proves that I was a religious republican before any of you, with the exception of the head of the court, were born," and as evidence for this, described how he had given his own soup to the ants when studying in Siirt. When asked the reason for this, he had replied:

"These ants and bees are republicans. I give them these scraps out of respect for their practising republicanism." ⁷

Bediuzzaman, the basis of whose view of republicanism was this, was from time to time obliged to explain his views of the secular republic that was applied after 1923 in Turkey. According to him, the secular republic, which was Western in meaning, should not adopt an attitude that was in any way negative towards religion.

Today, the idea that particularly in the advanced industrial societies of the West societies which act only through economic incentives cannot sustain democracy, and that only virtuous people who are adorned with religion and culture can perpetuate it has now become an accepted principle in the light of the bitter experiences of the past.

We may say that Bediuzzaman's words: "I am anyway a religious republican" stem from his seeing at that time, almost as a Divine law, the point that mankind would arrive at on the threshhold of the twenty-first century.

* * *